Sudhoffs Archiv
Zeitschrift fŸr Wissenschaftsgeschichte
¥
Beihefte
Zusammenfassungen / Abstracs (Band 85 /
2001 bis Band 87 / 2003)
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Markus Asper:
Mathematik, Milieu, Text. Die frŸhgriechische(n) Mathematik(en) und ihr
Umfeld (Band 87, S. 1) Greek
theoretical mathematics emerges among sixth-century Ionians from a background
of professional practitioners, concerned chiefly with arithmetical
operations. Its characteristical features (impersonalization,
standardization, diagrams) develop as part of an elitist play of distinction at
fifth- and fourth-century Athens, mainly to ascertain the tradition of that
knowledge without adequate institutions. Sophists challenge the
mathematiciansÕ practices, philosophers adopt the mathematiciansÕ knowledge
as a model of truth, but the mathematicians themselves remain autonomous.
Even hellenistic mathematics, semi-institutionalized at royal courts, is
little more than a private affair of a narrow circle of intellectuals. All
this time the practitionersÕ traditions persist basically unaltered and constantly
present the theoreticians with a social and epistemic background to
differentiate "their" mathematics from. Finally, these two branches
of Greek mathematics, a practical and a theoretical one, are describable as
reciprocally systematized forms of knowledge. |
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Nimrod Bar-Am:
A Framework for a Critical History of Logic (Band 87, S. 80) Im Mittelpunkt der
traditionellen Logik steht die traditionelle Frage: Was ist eine begrŸndete
Folgerung? Die moderne Logik tat ihre ersten Schritte mit der Kritik dieser
Frage (Hume, Bolzano und Boole) und
mit dem Ersatz dieser Frage durch diemoderne Frage: Was ist eine berechtigte
Folgerung? (Boole, Russell und Tarski). BetrŠchtlicher Fortschritt wurde auch von jenen gemacht,
die sich nicht fŸr eine der zwei Fragestellungen entscheiden konnten (Whewell, Frege). |
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Thomas Beddies und Heinz-Peter Schmiedebach: Die Diskussion um die Šrztlich beaufsichtigte
Familenpflege in Deutschland. Historische Entwicklung einer Ma§nahme zur
sozialen Integration psychisch Kranker (Band 85, S. 82) This article is based on
the thesis that family care in the 20th century was practiced mainly under
pragmatical/economical and therapeutical aspects. Depending on time and
place, one of the two aspects would dominate while the other would serve as
supporting motive. The subject of this article is to examine selected models
of family care in Germany at different times as to their aim regarding the
social integration of psychiatric patients. The family care patients not only
lived outside the psychiatric hospitals, but were usually employed in
household, farming or trade of the foster home. So the integrative potential
of family care was, and still is, aimed at establishing a living and working
condition as "normal" as possible. Until 1945, patients who could
not or were not allowed to return to a completly independent lifestyle,
family care offered them the widest range of integration and freedom. The
often observed longlasting stays in families, reflect this rise in quality of
life, although many were formally still associated with the mental
institution. Up to the fifties, family care can be evaluated as an attempt of
psychiatric hospitals to encounter the social isolation of the mentally ill.
Nowadays family care is seeing a certain renaissance as part of social
psychiatry. It is however not always clear whether family care can serve as a
mean of real integration in the sense of a completely independent living and
working condition, or whether it leads only to an, even if permanent,
extramural accomodation of the chronically ill patients. |
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Gštz Borgwardt: Bernhard Schapiro - Ein orthodoxer Jude als frŸher Androloge im 20.
Jahrhundert (Band 86, S. 27) The unusual history and
professional background of one of the first andrologists is reported. Bernhard
Schapiro, born in 1888 in Dvinsk in Latvia, then a city in the Russian Pale
of Settlements for Jews, grew up as an orthodox (hassidic) Jew receiving
exclusively talmudic lessons until he was 18 years old. During the final
years of this period of life he was educated at the famous Slobodka Talmud
Academy Kenesset Israel in Kovno where he absorbed the ideals of
Musar-doctrines, thus being influenced for the rest of his life. The
Rogachover Gaon J. Rozin supported his desire to study medicine. After a brief
stay in Frankfurt/Main he acquired by own efforts the necessary general
knowledge to matriculate for access to university. Medical studies at Zurich
University (1913—1919) were followed by a one-year-internship at a
dermatologic department in Breslau/Silesia. The thesis for his doctorate at
Zurich University in 1920 was on âRelations between Nodular Erythema and
TuberculosisÔ. He spent two years training in dermatology at Breslau
University under Jadassohn. Back in Berlin, he married and had four children,
while he worked at Magnus HirschfeldÕs Institute for Sexual Sciences. After
initial clinical studies in venerology he more and more turned to
andrological problems, including treatment of underdeveloped male genitals,
premature ejaculation and impotence in general. In this context he tested the
new drug Praehormon and developed
the two remedies Testifortan and Praejaculin. He was the first to
describe the effect of anterior pituitary lobe hormone on the descent of
cryptorchid testicles, thus initiating a treatment modality still in motion
today. When Hitler came to power he and his family were spared as Swiss
citizens, but he lost his base for working after the Institute was looted. He
established an andrologic practice at Zurich. What he had witnessed in Germany
caused him to set up a Swiss branch of Mizrachi, the spiritually based center
of Zionism in Switzerland. He left Europe in 1940 for New York/USA. After
compulsory repetition of medical exams in a new language he managed to
establish a new existence as andrologist. His practice flourished, the more
as he was trusted to treat Jewish patients according to Jewish Law. The
decisive step brought him to Jerusalem, in 1951, where he founded and headed
an Endocrinologic Department of the University, pursuing andrologic
questions, until his death on December 31, 1966. What actually controlled his
life can be read on his tombstone: âHe remained a pupil of Slobodka all the
days of his lifeÔ. |
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Ralf Broer und Ralf Hofheinz: GesundheitspŠdagogik statt Tršstung: Die theologische
BewŠltigung von Krankheit bei Philipp Melanchthon und Caspar Peucer (Band 85,
S. 18) Subject of this paper is
the interpretation of disease as physical evil (malum physicum) by the
university professors Philipp Melanchthon (1497—1560) and Caspar Peucer
(1525—1602) at Protestant Wittenberg. Melanchthon and Peucer settled
the problem of theodicy principally by theological strategies of moralization
and compensation. In most cases, therefore, disease resulted from inadequate
health behavior, especially drunkenness, furthermore from disdain for
medicine and obstruction of divine healing. As a rule, natural factors (e.g.
celestial bodies or human affections) only contributed to disease. In general
it was caused by free will. In consequence the strategies of depotentiation
and functionalization of disease became insignificant resulting in the
accentuation of its evil nature. By way of compensation Melanchthon and
Peucer stressed the Divine healing of disease. God created the natural
remedies and later He created the medical arts by granting heroic virtue to
the greatest doctors (Hippocrates, Galen, Avicenna). Moreover the divine
Trinity could directly harmonize affections. Thus, God incited a
psychosomatical healing within the human organism. As far as physical evil is
concerned Lutheran pathology substituted medieval pessimism for therapeutical
optimism. Melanchthon and Peucer strived to discipline the patientsÕ behavior
and to legitimate the medical arts by God. In this sense their pathology
formed part of a program of social and religious stabilization. The academic
medicine profited greatly from that program in later years. |
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Wolfgang Burgmair und Matthias M. Weber: "Éda§ er selbst mit aller Energie gegen diese
Hallucinationen ankŠmpfen mu§ É" Kšnig Otto von Bayern und die MŸnchner
Psychiatrie um 1900 (Band 86, S. 27) King Otto of Bavaria
(1848–1916), brother of "Dreamking" Ludwig II., had suffered
from a severe psychiatric disorder since he was an adolescent. According to
court manners of the time the psychopathological symptoms were at first
neglected. After a public scandal in 1875 Otto was treated by the Munich
psychiatrist Bernhard von Gudden who used a variety of methods. These
changing therapeutic measures reflected the scientific development of psychiatry
during the second half of the 19th century. Since 1879 Otto, together with
his princely household, was put into FŸrstenried Castle near Munich where the
so-called "PrinzenŠrzte" took over responsibility for medical care.
In FŸrstenried, the neuropathologist Franz Nissl, who served as OttoÕs
"Prinzenarzt" from 1885 to 1887, brought into perfection his famous
staining methods for neuronal tissue. Despite his mental incapacity Otto was
proclaimed king of Bavaria after the dreamkingsÕs death in 1886. The close
connection between the "High Patient" and his doctors strengthened
the social position of psychiatry as a public task. |
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Stefan Deschauer: Zur DurchfŸhrung der Neunerprobe in frŸhen deutschen RechenbŸchern
(Band 85, S. 129) To the arithmetical traditions
of even the early German RechenbŸcher (here
analysed till approximately 1530) there always belongs the "nines
check" after written addition and multiplication. There are numerous modern
publications on the history of arithmetic that inter alia treat the nines check; but, curiously, they never
completely explain the method of the early German Rechenmeister. We particularly miss insights into the
determination of the excesses of nines. What was the method? Comparative studies of the
sources show that in this check the sum of the digits is not the most
important point. |
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Thomas Falmagne: Un nouveau tŽmoin de lÕÜApex phisice anonymiÝ (ou ÜDe
philosophia et eius secretisÝ): le
manuscrit Bruxelles, B.R. II 3308 provenant de lÕabbaye cistercienne de
Villers-en-Brabant (Band 87, S. 69) 1970 veršffentlichte Marie-Odile Garrigues einen Artikel,
den sie den Oeuvre des sogenannten Honorius Augustodunensis gewidmet hat.
1975 konzentrierte sie sich auf einem Text der natŸrlichen Philosophie: der
ÜApex physiceÝ. Dieser Text, welche bis dahin nur in drei Handschriften
bekannt war, wurde 1994 und 1999 von Hans
Lemke und Gregor Maurach in
zwei Lieferungen herausgegeben. Dieser Beitrag hatte das Ziel, eine
neue Handschrift BrŸssel, B.R. II 3308 an das Tageslicht zu bringen.
Diese Handschrift wird auf 1200 oder auf das erste Viertel des 13. Jh.
datiert und kommt aus der zisterziensischen Abtei von Villers-en-Brabant. Die
Handschrift Ÿberlebte den Brand und scheint eine vollstŠndige Kopie des ÜApex
phisiceÝ bewahrt zu haben. Das Feuer am Rande des erstes Blattes macht den
Titel und den Namen des Autors unkenntlich, die eventuell vielleicht noch
kopiert worden wŠren und daher fehlt ein wesentlicher Teil fŸr die Bestimmung
dieses enzyklopŠdischen Textes. Das Datum der Kopie (gegen 1200 oder im
ersten Viertel vom 13. Jh.) setzt diese Handschrift aus Villers (B) in einen
interessanten chronologischen Zusammenhang, nŠmlich genau zwischen die beiden
Handschriften aus dem Vatikan (V) und aus Trier (H). Die philologische
Analyse, deren Ergebnisse in der Anlage beiliegen, lŠ§t au§erdem nicht die
BestŠtigung der Annahme einer Verbindung zwischen der Handschrift aus
Villers-en-Brabant mit dem kulturellen Kreis von Trier, aus dem H.
hervorzugehen scheint, zu. Eher scheint die andere Hypothese bestŠtigt zu
sein, die in B eine verwandte Handschrift von V sieht. |
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Menso Folkerts: Eine Verwechslung mit Folgen. Die Humanisten Acronius und Atrocinus
(Band 85, S. 55) In all modern bibliographic
works the humanists Acronius and Atrocianus are treated as one person. But
this article proves that there were three different scholars carrying these
names: 1) Johannes Atrocianus (I)
from Ravensburg, who matriculated in Basel in 1513/14 and later became a
school-teacher there. 2) Johannes Atrocianus (II)
from Colmar, who matriculated in Freiburg/Breisgau in 1543 and later became
professor of Latin there. 3) Johannes Acronius from
Akkrum (West Friesland), who matriculated in 1542 in Basel and later became
professor of mathematics and logic there. He died in 1564. In the article all
available information about the life and works of each of these three
humanists is given and it is shown that the erroneous identification started
with J. W. HerzogÕs Athenae Rauricae (1778),
which comprises a list of professors at the University of Basel. |
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Rainer Fortner und Dominik Gro§: Egas Moniz und die Leukotomie-Debatte unter
besonderer BerŸcksichtigung des portugiesischsprachigen (Band 86, S.138) Although the practice of
psychosurgery had already been induced in 1888 by the Swiss psychiatrist
Gottlieb Burckhardt, the most widely practiced form of psychiatric surgery
— the so-called âlobotomyÔ — was first performed in 1935 by the
Portuguese neurologist Egas Moniz (1874—1955). Although the reaction to
his intervention was mixed, Moniz was awarded the Nobel Price for his work in
1949. The present article
concentrates on both the Portuguese and the international preception of
MonizÔ lobotomy and its apparent ethical implications. One particularly
important question that MonizÕs work brings to the fore concerns the role of
psychosurgery in contemporary psychiatry and — consequently — the
role of the spirit of the age in
judging psychosurgical interventions. Therefore the early reactions to
lobotomy are opposed to recent and actual statements in and outside Iberia. |
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Andreas Frewer und Yvonne Steif: Personen, Netzwerke und Institutionen: Zur
GrŸndung der Deutschen Gesellschaft fŸr Geschichte der Medizin und
Naturwissenschaften (Band 87, S. 180) In what way did the process
of founding the "Deutsche Gesellschaft fŸr Geschichte der Medizin und
Naturwissenschaften" (1901), the worldÕs oldest society for the history
of sciencedevelop? This article combines approaches of the historiography of
institutions with concepts focusing on individual persons. During the early
period of the process August Hirsch and Theodor Puschmann were the most
relevant scientists. The history of the "Gesellschaft Deutscher
Naturforscher und €rzte" (GDN€) and their annual meetings mirror the
difficult connection of medical history and medical geography or tropical
medicine. It was the special ability of Karl Sudhoff to create networks which
led to the of emancipation and foundation of the DGGMN; nevertheless, the
preliminary work of scientists like Hendrik Peypers, Felix von Oefele, Georg
Kahlbaum, Julius Pagel or Max Neuburger and others musnÕt be forgotten when
analysing the crucial years for around 1900. Sudhoff was the dominant
personality then; different conceptions of the new discipline in addition to
some severe conflicts are documented by newly found manuscripts and
correspondences. |
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Martina Giese:
Zur lateinischen †berlieferung von Burgundios Wein- und Gottfrieds Pelzbuch
(Band 87, S. 195) In this paper, the Latin
manuscripts of two main works of the medieval Fachprosa on viniculture, horticulture, and grafting are
analysed. In addition to the six that are generally known, four new
manuscripts of the Liber de vindemiis of Burgundio of Pisa ( 1193) are
presented. This treatise, consisting mainly of a translation of extracts from
the Greek Geoponika, was used by Petrus de Crescentiis and by Geoffrey of
Franconia for his so-called "Pelzbuch", a book on trees and wine.
Due to the recent evaluation of 46 new manuscripts, the total number of Latin
codices increases to 84. This means that there are almost as many Latin
manuscripts as there are codices of the German translation. The fact that the
three oldest manuscripts date from around 1300 contradicts the commonly
accepted view that Geoffrey wrote his tract in the middle of the 14th
century. Some of the newly discovered codices contain a short version of
GeoffreyÕs tractatus, hitherto only known from incunabula (under the title
"Tractatus de vino et eius proprietate"), which William of
Hirnkofen used for his own work on wine in 1478. |
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Sebastia Giralt: El autor del Contra culculum y
de otros tres tratados medicos: ÀArnau de Vilanova o Galvano da Levanto?
(Band 87, S. 32) Einige Handschriften, wie
auch die Renaissance-Gesamtausgaben der medizinischen Schriften Arnalds von Vilanova (von der dritten
Ausgabe an) enthalten vier Abhandlungen Ÿber spezifische Krankheiten: Regimen contra catarrum, De tremore
cordis, De epilentia, Tractatus contra calculum. Ihre AuthentizitŠt
innerhalb der Debatte Ÿber die sogenannte "Arnaldische Frage" wurde
mehr oder weniger angenommen –: gemeint ist jene Debatte Ÿber die
zahlreichen Probleme hinsichtlich der Autorschaft, die das unfangreiche Arnald zugeschriebene Werk begleiten.
Die hier vorgelegte Studie befa§t sich mit der Autorschaft der erwŠhnten
Texte unter dem neuen Aspekt, den die Kodizes des Arztes aus Genua Galvano da Levanto (1312 gestorben),
einfŸhren. Bei den drei ersten handelt es sich in Wirklichkeit nur um eine
AbkŸrzung der drei Werke von Galvano
Remedium salutare contra catarrum,
Carisma sanativum tremoris cordis, Liber salvatoris contra morbum caducum,
wobei im wesentlichen die Kapitel Ÿber allgemeine Aspekte der Medizin
weggelassen wurden, des weiteren diejenigen Krankheiten, die als
"geistige" Leiden behandelt wurden. Im Falle von De epilentia wird der verkŸrzte Text
in den Handschriften und im Druck mit anderen kleineren Schriften Ÿber die
Epilepsie kombiniert. Einer davon kšnnte ein authentisches Werk von Arnalds sein. Andererseits fŸhren alle
Anzeichen zu der Schlu§folgerung, da§ Contra
calculum derselbe Traktat ist wie der Bonifaz
VIII, anlŠ§lich dessen Gallenstein-Krankheit gewidmeten Liber Manus Dei contra calculosum
languorem. Obwohl keine handschriftliche Galvano zugeschriebene Kopie bekannt ist, besteht eine betrŠchtliche
Anzahl von Kriterien, die einstimmig auf den Genuesen als Autor dieses Werkes
hinweisen. Gleichzeitig bestŠtigen sie seine Autorschaft der drei anderen
hier umstrittenen Abhandlungen. Diese Kriterien sind: die Konsistenz der
handschriftlichen Tradition, die †berschneidung von bestimmten Zitaten in
diesen vier Texten und einigen anderen unzweifelhaft Galvano zugeschriebenen Schriften, die sprachliche
†bereinstimmung in den verschiedenen Texten hinsichtlich eines sehr
charakteristischen Stils, von buchstŠblich sich wiederholenden Stellen, von
zahlreichen gemeinsamen Ideen, Strukturen und Quellen, sowie schlie§lich eine
unverkennbare Mischung Šrztlicher und theologischer Themen und AusdrŸcke der
in Frage stehenden Werke. Der Contra
calculum-Traktat fŸgt sich auch kohŠrent in die hier versuchte
Rekonstruktion der Laufbahn von Galvano,
wobei dem Werk gegen Steinleiden offensichtlich eine besondere Rolle zukam
beim Versuch, die Gunst und damit die UnterstŸtzung des Heiligen Vaters zu
gewinnen. |
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Andrew Colin Gow: ,Sanguis NaturalisÔ and ,Sanc De MiracleÔ: Ancient Medicine,
,SuperstitionÔ and the Metaphysics of Medieval Healting Miracles (Band 87, S.
129) Im Mittelalter galt Blut
als besonders hochwertiges Mittel gegen Augenleiden, inkl. Augenwunden. Die
GrŸnde dafŸr sind weder in der Schulmedizin noch in der sonst so dominanten
Humoralpathologie zu suchen, sondern in einer ziemlich diffusen Tradition, in
der antike Medizin und ÔmagischerÕ Glauben etwa gleichwertige Grš§en
darstellen. Entgegen einem Hauptargument des bahnbrechenden russischen
MediŠvisten Aron Gurevich kann somit festgestellt werden, da§ antike
Traditionen nicht nur unter gebildeten Eliteschichten weitertradiert und
bekannt waren, sondern unter viel breiteren Volksschichten das Leben, den
Glauben und die Alltagspraxis beeinflu§ten. Zwar war die Herkunft solcher
Ideen, meist eben aus altgriechischen und ršmischen Quellen, den gemeinen
Frauen etwa, die laut Froissart das Blut von Gei§lern als Augenheilmittel
priesen, nicht bekannt; doch verband sie eine lange Geschichte tradierten
Wissens (z.B. durch Isidor, Bartholomaeus Anglicus u.a.) um das augenheilende
Wirken von Blut mit Dioskurides, Celsus und anderen Medizinern des
klassischen Altertums. Neu dagegen war ein kaum Ÿberraschender Hang zur
Vermengung dieses Wissens mit den christlichen Tropen des Heiltums und des
fromm betrachteten Wunders, wobei die augenheilende Kraft von Blut durch
dessen geistige QualitŠten als Ausscheidung und Kommunikationsmittel (das
Paradigma ist ja in der Messe vorgegeben) von MŠrtyrern, Heiligen oder sonst
geistig erleuchteten Wesen vermutlich gesteigert wurde. Eine weitere
Dimension erblickt man in den vielen Texten des Altertums (sowohl in der
HebrŠischen Bibel wie etwa in der ÔOdysseeÕ oder ÔAeneisÕ), in denen Blut mit
Seele oder Seelenkraft gleichgesetzt wird; wo Blut, Augen und Seele dann
geballt als ÔAssoziationsbŸndelÕ auftreten, wird der hier angelegte †berblick
Ÿber die antike Medizin, die christliche ÔWunderlogikÕ und viele textuelle
Traditionen unerlŠ§lich, um diese verwickelten, der bisherigen
medizinhistorischen Forschung undurchschaubaren (oder gar unsichtbaren!)
Ideen und Texte zu deuten. |
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Joachim Jacoby: Die †bergie§ung mit Wasser - Hydrotherapeutische Vorschriften im
SpŠtmittelalter (Band 86, S. 54) Once identified, an illness
is met or fought against by an appropriate therapy. The diverse use of water
holds a significant place among the therapeutic means which had been
developed in Western medicine ever since antiquity. The essay deals with one
particular form of application, namely, the gush of water. Focus is laid on
the period around 1500. As the relevant medical treatises are based directly
on Greek or Roman authors (Hippocrate, Galen, Celsus) or are even
commentaries of Arabic handbooks in their Latin translations (Avicenna,
Rhazes), antique medicine inevitably had also to be taken into account. The
pouring of water, alone or in combination with other prescriptions, was
applicable in a variety of illnesses as fevers, pains of the joints, psychic
diseases, or even headaches. To counteract the causes (or symptoms) of a
disease the water quality could be adjusted by changing its temperature, by
adding certain substances (oils, herb extracts or decoctions) or by varying
the way of application. The gush of water could serve many purposes and was
prescribed to sooth, to refrigerate, to stop a swelling, to widen pores, to
shock the patient and even, given the underlying humoural conception of menÕs
nature, to draw away humours from one part of the body to another. The water
gush, hence, was not restricted to be used in the case of one particular
illness only but was considered an almost general therapeutic means. |
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Gundolf Keil:
Frugardi und die Tradition langobardischer Chirurgie (Band 86, S. 1) The surgical manual âRogerinaÔ
(âcyrurgiaÔ) of the Lombardic surgeon Roger Frugardi |
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Nikolai Korschunow:: €tiologie und Nosologie von "taubsucht" und
"mania" in Paracelsischen Texten (Band 85, S. 175) In this paper etiological
and nosological concepts of the Renaissance medico, alchemist, philosopher,
and theologist Theophrast von Hohenheim ("Paracelsus"
(1493/94—1541)), concerning the "taubsucht [rage, fury]", the
"mania", and contextual aspects, are shown. Paradigmatic
oscillations between concepts of the present time and the views of Hohenheim are analyzed. Four kinds of
"taubsucht" are presented by Hohenheim
in his earliest psychopathologically orientated treatise "Von der
Taubsucht". Their relations towards later texts are described. He
introduces many disorders in later texts, e.g. "mania",
"lunatici", "ebricata", "phantasmata",
"vihisch vernunft", that resemble aspects of the four kinds of
"taubsucht". Three main principles of
etiology are documented and characterized as "theological-ethical",
"elemental-sidereal", and "alchemistical". Contrary to todayÕs
preferred "descriptive" approach the main principle of Paracelsian classification is seen as
"etiological-dimensional". Seven etiologic dimensions are
described. Hierarchical correspondences between these dimensions are
investigated. The seven dimensions are characterized as: a) Elemental
influences (incorporation of psychotropic substances) b) Firmamental-sidereal
influences (astrological and astronomical emanations) c) Spiritual
influences (spirits deranging manÕs mind) d) Alchemistical
("chemical") influences e) Secondary
diseases (caused by some pre-existing disorder) f) Intrinsic
ethical and moral dispositions as the final cause of disorders
(theological-ethical view) g) Heredity. By evaluating the
paradigmatic aspects of Hohenheims
nosological approach, differences with todayÕs mainstream-views of psychiatry
are seen in the field of "invisible" (spiritual and
transcendental), "etiological-dimensional" explanations for the
derangement of the mind (see b, c, f). Potential similarities are considered
in the field of "visible" (materialistic), dimensions (see a, d, e,
g). It is concluded that Hohenheim strives towards an
integration of spiritual and materialistic aspects in the application of
etiological and nosological tools. Hohenheims
concepts are summarized as a 16th century "integrative"
psychopathological approach. |
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Daniel KŸgler und Hans-JŸrgen Holzhausen: Historische Entwicklung der Graduierung von
malignen Weichgewebstumoren (Band 85, S. 45) This article describes the
historical development of the grading systems for malignant soft tissue
tumors. First attempts to grade these tumors were made in the middle of the
nineteenth century; a remarkable amount of activity in grading took place in
the 1970s with an apex in the 1980s. Reviewing the literature back to the
first available publications, five phases in the development of the grading
systems for malignant soft tissue tumors could be distinguished:
1845—1919: phase of identification, 1927—1964: phase of
description, 1965—1977: phase of predominant mitotic activity,
1979—1983: phase of predominant tumor type, from 1984: phase of
multifactorial systems. |
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B.-A. Lamberg and Heikki Solin: The Thyroid gland in Anothomia Mundini and in the
Commentaria of Berengarius (Band 86, S. 171) Nach den alexandrinischen
€rzten war es nicht mehr mšglich, Menschen zu sezieren, und wenn
Anatomie studiert wurde, dann geschah dies bis Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts
anhand von Tierkadavern — was selbstverstŠndlich nicht
ausschlie§t, da§ chirurgisch erfahrene WundŠrzte wie Wilhelm von Saliceto und
Heinrich von Mondeville aus ihren Operationserfahrungen auch etwas Ÿber die
menschliche Anatomie in ihre LehrbŸcher einflie§en lassen konnten.
Forensische Obduktionen wurden seit Ausgang des 13. Jahrhunderts durchgefŸhrt,
denen auch Chirurgen beiwohnten. Im Jahr 316 hat dann der Bologneser Arzt und
Anatom Mundinus Liucius (Mondino deÕ Liuzzi) seine — zunŠchst noch
handschriftliche — ÔAnothomia MondiniÕ veršffentlicht, mit der er die
erste Beschreibung einer systematischen Zergliederung der Menschenleiche seit
der Zeit der PtolemŠer vorlegte. Hinsichtlich der Anatomie des Halses
schreibt er, da§ — wenn man den longitudinalen Muskel abhebe —
zwei DrŸsen sichtbar wŸrden. Diese DrŸsen, die er amigdalae nennt, lokalisiert
er unter den larynx an die trachea. Die eine ihrer Funktionen sei, die
trachea zu befeuchten; die andere, den Hals auszugleichen, und zwar deshalb,
weil der Hals oben wegen der breiten larynx viel breiter, unten aber wegen
der trachea schmaler sei. Hinzu kommt als dritte Funktion, die tiefen
BlutgefŠ§e zu schŸtzen. — In den folgenden beiden Jahrhunderten wurde
die ÔAnothomia MundiniÕ von den meisten Anatomen als Unterrichts-Grundlage
benutzt, aber gerade bei den amigdalae folgte man ihr nicht, und zwar insofern,
als man Mondinos DrŸsen an der Stelle der Tonsillen lokalisierte — und
dies deshalb, weil nach Avicenna die amigdalae dort sein sollten. Erst
Berengarius (Berengario da Carpi) hat in seinen umfangreichen ÔCommentaria
super Anothomia MundiniÕ (1521) die Lage der DrŸsen im Sinne Mondinos
bestŠtigt. Die Beschreibung entspricht exakt dem Befund, den ein moderner
Anatom oder ein SchilddrŸsen-Chirurg vor sich hat, wenn er den Halsmuskel
durchtrennt. |
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Aimilios D. Mavroudis: Der autographische Brief des K. G. KŸhn Ÿber die
Edition der Reihe Medicorum Graecorum opera quae exstant (Band 87, S. 173) In this article, an
autograph letter by K. G. KŸhn (1754—1840) is being published and
annotated. It was found glued on the interior surface of the back cover of No
25 manuscript kept at the University of Thessaloniki (Library of Department
of Classics). With this letter KŸhn announced the publication of the series
Medicorum Graecorum opera quae exstant to F. H. G. Donkermann
("Privatlehrer in Leiden") asking for his assistance to trace a
Galenic manuscript at the Library of Leiden (most probably the pseudo-galenic
treatise Peri sfugmwn pro Antwvnion filomaqh kai; filovsofon). Furthermore,
in the same letter KŸhn mentioned the publication of the Galenic treatise
Peri; ajrivsth didaskaliva, as an example (specimen) of the series that was going to follow. |
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Florian Mildenberger: Ein Zoologe auf Abwegen - Richard B. Goldschmidt
als Sexualforscher und seine Rezeption im Dritten Reich (Band 85, S. 64) At the beginning of 20th
century, genetic research was carried out by many different branches of
science. Biology, zoology, medicine, psychiatry, and psychology took part, so
some results were a mixture of the involved sciences and not pure genetic. One
researcher, who used his experiences from zoology to explain sexual
orientation in the human race, was Richard
B. Goldschmidt (1878—1958). He published several articles between
1916 and 1927 on this topic before he reconsidered his own theses. Greatest
feedback he became during the Third Reich. Although being Jewish he became
professor for life in autumn 1933. When he left Berlin for Berkeley in 1936,
he began a new scientific career, leaving all old theories and ideologies
behind. But his "UmwandlungsmŠnnchen"-theory was restarted by some
German psychiatrists to explain homosexuality. One of these men was Theo Lang (1898—1957), who was
allowed to publish his articles in the USA and in Switzerland. Lang had been one of the founders of
the association of Nazi doctors and was a member of the SA. Moreover, after
1945 during Denazification he was allowed to call for Richard Goldschmidt as
witness for his own defence. |
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Ferdinand Peter Moog: Zur "Hornissen-Spinne" des Pliniuis
(Band 86, S. 220) Pliny the Elder describes
in his âNatural HistoryÔ XXIX 86 a species of spider dangerous for human
beings and looking like a hornet without wings. This description corresponds
to Solipugae of the genus Karschia, living in arid areas of Central Asia.
These animals are not venomous but can cause harm by their powerful bite and
in some cases by a following inflammation of the wound. On the contrary, an
animal called "wasp-like", mentioned by Nikander of Kolophon (âTheriacaÔ, v. 738—746) and often
regarded to be the same creature, seems to be a typical venomous spider which
causes an acute intoxication by its bite. |
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Helmut Nieke:
Die Folgen der Nichtbeachtung von Newtons Beugungsexperimenten (Band 85, S.
1) In his diffraction
experiments Newton described the phenomena of diffraction of light
completely. From the transition of diffraction figures at the slit —
from the inner diffraction fringes at short distance or large slit width to
the outer fringes at great distance or small slit width — he concluded
that light particles have an eel-like motion in this transitional area.
Fresnel could only calculate border-line cases, with FourierÕs theorem and
wave theory, but not the transition of inner to outer fringes at the slit.
From 1850 on textbook authors ignored NewtonÕs diffraction experiments,
because they were not able, even at that time, to justify them by
calculation. Instead they only reported FresnelÕs border-line case, which
they extrapolated inadmissably and wrongly to the slit itself. Even
Bohr and Einstein did not consider NewtonÕs diffraction experiments. Because
of that they could not discover the particle nature of light in difffraction.
Therefore they used an incomplete basis and achieved an incomplete theory.
Einstein criticized this incompleteness again and again, without being able
to give reasons. Bohr tried to compensate for it with the Copenhagen
interpretation. In
1966 Heisenberg deduced from his work a structure of the photon that can be
interpreted as that of a vortex-pair. With this theory it was possible to
justivy NewtonÕs experiments by calculation with the mechanics of deformable
media, especially vortex mechanics — for the time being qualitatively.
There results a new view of diffraction: a change of direction of photons
instead of extinction. Diffraction takes place as the interaction of the
structured photon with its returning field. The disregard of NewtonÕs
diffraction experiments from 1850 and again from 1900 is described as a false
direction taken by textbooks. |
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GŸnther Oestmann: John Flamsteeeds Horoskop fŸr die Grundsteinlegung der Sternwarte
Greenwich (Band 86, S. 129) The paper deals with the
astronomical and astrological contents of a horoscope cast by John Flamsteed
in 1675 for the foundation of Greenwich Observatory. So far no analysis of
its astronomical contents has been made. It can be shown that the chart has
been drawn correctly, as is to be expected from a competent astronomer. For
calculating the planetary positions he most likely used tables issued by
Johann Hecker, a pupil of Hevelius, based on KeplerÕs "Tabulae Rudolphinae"
in 1627. The cusps of the twelve astrological houses Flamsteed calculated
trigonometrically; so he used no table of houses. Flamsteed employed a method
of house division (domification) which was commonly used in the 16th and 17th
century and connected with the name of Johannes Regiomontanus. Positional
circles joining in the north and south points of the observerÕs horizon are
laid through distances of 30¡ on the celestial equator, thus giving unequal
sections of the ecliptic. By
consulting contemporary sources for the interpretation of the chart
(RameseyÕs Astrologia Restaurata, 1653) it appears that the time for laying
the foundation stone was well chosen from the astrological point of view.
There were precursors in this practice, e.g. the Italian astrologer Luca
Gaurico, who was commissioned to submit an astrological report for the
foundation for the Farnese Wing in the Vatican in 1543, and Tycho Brahe, who
performed a solemn ceremony on the island of Hven in 1576 at the laying of
the foundation stone of his observatory in an astrologically propitious
moment. This
leads to the question whether Flamsteed believed in astrology. Michael Hunter
has already given evidence that Flamsteed was indeed well-versed with
astrological techniques and supplied astrologers with data. But at the same
time he expressed hostility towards astrological interpretations issued
frequently by different parties during Civil War in England. In an
unpublished preface for HeckerÕs Tables (edited by Hunter) Flamsteed tried to
show the "Vanity of Astrology, & the Practice of Astrologers".
Therefore he cannot be taken as an ardent astrologer, although he was well
acquainted with the art. |
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MichaelSachs:
Die "Anatomischen Tabellen" (1722) des Johann Adam Kulmus
(1689-1745). Ein Lehrbuch fŸr die (wund-)Šrztliche Ausbildung im deutschen
Sprachraum und in Japan (Band 86, S. 69) Although we can not find
new diclosures or new ways of describing anatomical structures in the
"Anatomischen Tabellen", a text-book written by Johann Adam Kulmus
(1689–1745), it has had itÕs influence in the development of medicine,
not only in Germany but in Japan. The "Anatomischen Tabellen" has
been one of the most published anatomical text-books of the 18th century.
This book was concepted by the medical doctor Kulmus, who was born in the
German town Breslau and who was living in Danzig, especially to educate the
apprentices and fellows of surgeons in german language. Therefore the book
was equiped with sveral copper-plates for illustration. During the years from 1722
to 1814 23 different editions were found, from those were 14 in german, 5 in
latin and one each in french and netherland. Not one other anatomical
textbooks of the 18th century has had such an abundance of editions. The
disadvantage of the former used oversized anatomical atlases was their being
published in latin and therefore they have been without any use and much too
expensive for educational purposes for young surgeons. The "Anatomischen
Tabellen" has been the first occidental text-book of anatomy to be
translated into japanese to be published in 1774, supplied with numerous
wooden engravings. |
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Christine F. Salazar: Die Ohnmacht in der griechisch-ršmischen Medizin,
insbesondere im traumatologisch-chirurgischen Umfeld (Band 85, S. 169) Occurrences of fainting are
very common in medical as well as non-medical literature; in order to
restrict the field to a manageable size, this article focuses mainly on
surgery and traumatology. An examination of the various passages suggests
that there was considerable ambiguity associated with the concept of
fainting. On the one hand it was seen as a common occurrence, to be expected
in the context of wounds or surgery, but on the other it was also regarded as
a life-threatening force in its own right. |
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Charlotte Schubert: Texte aus dem Geschlechterdiskurs: Catos Rede gegen die Aufhebung
des Oppischen Luxusgesetzes (Liv. 34, 1,2-4,21) (Band 86, S. 93) For the year 195 B.C. Livy
(34,1,2–4,21) places a speech opposing the repeal of the Oppian luxury
law in the mouth of Cato the Censor. Polar stylization of gender
characterizations runs throughout his speech – this stylization and
comparison with later laws, e.g., the Augustan laws on marriage, makes the
question of literal authenticity irrelevant. Therefore in presenting this
speech Livy brings together the concepts of social planning found in Augustan
legislation and elements of gender characterization taken from discourses in
the literary and philosophical circles of his time. It was already clear in
the times of Livy and his readers that these elements could be arbitrarily
chosen. |
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H. Stoffregen:
Zwei frŸhe Fallbeschreibungen des adrenogenitalen Syndroms (Band 85, S. 138) A number of studies in the
history of endocrinology makes reference to two pediatric cases from the early
19th century which are commonly seen as containing the earliest descriptions
of the adrenogenital syndrome substantiated by post-mortem findings. Their
authors, in addition to being considered the first to furnish an exact
description of the symptoms involved, are also occasionally credited with
having been aware of the underlying causes of this disorder, i.e. the
interaction between the adrenal cortex and the genitalia. The present study
demonstrates that this opinion is not founded on facts. Furthermore, a
retrospective analysis of the pathological details seemingly irreconcilable
with this condition may in fact be explained as resulting from imperfect
embryonic development. |
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Benedikt Konrad Vollmann: Auf dem Weg zur authentischen Hildegard. Bemerkungen
zu den nur in der Florentiner ,PhysicaÔ-Handschrift Ÿberlieferten Texten
(Band 87, S. 159) The recently discovered ms.
of HildegardÕs ,PhysicaÔ (Florence,
B. Med.-Laurenz. Ashburnh. 1323) contains much more text than the Migne
edition, based on Paris, BN. lat. 6952, does. Did the Florence ms. add or the
Paris ms. omit? A comparison of all extant mss. and the editio princeps of
1533 reveals that the corpus of items and their order remain essentially the
same, whereas the number of recipes and applications is in permanent
decrease. We also observe an increasing reduction of explanatory remarks
unique to HildegardÕs medical
doctrine. The more copious text of the Florence ms. must, therefore, be
regarded as authentic, and it should be made the base of a future edition of
the ,PhysicaÔ. |
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Annette Wittkau-Horgby: "Unintended Consequences of Scientific
Discoveries" Oder: Die "Heterogonie der Zwecke" als PhŠnomen
der Wissenschaftsgeschichte (Band 85, S. 223) This paper deals with an
old observation in respect to manÕs action — the problem of unintended
concequences of human action. It presents the scientific approaches to this
phenomenon in the 18th century and focusses then on the problem of unintended
concequences of scientific
discoveries. Using the prominent examples of Copernicus and Darwin the author
shows that the actual outcomes and final effects of scientific discoveries
must not necessarily be the originally intended ones. On the contrary,
especially those results of scientific discoveries which have affected the
sphere of world view (Weltanschauung) like the research works of Copernicus
and Darwin were originally meant to be only scientific studies. The final
results in respect to the world view were on CopernicusÕ side not even
realized and on DarwinÕs side neither intended nor wellcomed. The conclusion
of this analysis is that due to the fact that both scientists did not have
the intention to change the world view they can only partly be regarded to be
responsible for the fundamental changes they finally caused. |
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Konstantina Zormbala: A Greek Geometry Textbook of the 19th
Century: Influences of Mathematical Science on Axiomatic in School (Band 86,
S. 198) In diesem Artikel wird die
Geometrie von Lacon, ein griechisches Geometrieschulbuch des 19. Jahrhunderts,
untersucht. FŸr die neugriechische Schulbildung signalisiert dieses Buch den
†bergang von der Periode der auslŠndischen bzw. deutschen und franzšsischen
EinflŸsse zur Periode der eigenstŠndigen Entwicklung. Dies wird durch
die direkte Transformation des damaligen mathematischen,
wissenschaftlichen Wissens zum Schulwissen gekennzeichnet. Unsere Analyse
konzentriert sich auf das Axiomensystem von Lacons Schulgeometrie und
beansprucht, die folgenden Fragen zu beantworten: 1) Welche mathematische
GrŸnde haben Lacon zur Bildung dieses Axiomensystems gefŸhrt? 2) Welche
EinflŸsse hat er bekommen? Es wird gezeigt, da§ Diskussionen der Zeit Ÿber
die Behandlung von grundlegenden geometrischen Begriffen sowie auch
mathematische Theorien (z.B. die von Hermann von Helmholtz und Wolfgang
Bolyai) Lacon zur Bildung dieses Axiomensystems beeinflu§t haben. |