Carol Fehringer: Nominale
Diminutiva bei Komposita im SchwŠbischen: ein ãWords and RulesÒ-Ansatz
This paper
investigates the occurrence of diminutive nouns in the non-head position of
noun-noun compounds in the Swabian dialect (e. g. Draibleskuchen Ôcurrant cakeÕ) in the light
of current morphological theory; specifically with regard to the debate around
symbolic versus connectionist models of the mental lexicon.
Symbolic Òdual
mechanismÓ models assume that morphologically complex forms that are irregular
are stored in the lexicon and retrieved as whole words, whereas complex forms
that are regular are derived by productive symbolic rules. Thus, irregular inflection
can serve as input to derivational and compounding rules within the lexicon but
regular inflection cannot, as the rules deriving regular inflectional forms
operate after derivation and compounding have taken place.
Connectionist
models, rather than appealing to the traditional notion of linguistic rules,
claim that inflectional systems can be represented in terms of associative
networks. In these models, regularity is an effect of the statistical dominance
of stored complex forms. For these Òsingle mechanismÓ models the representation
of morphologically complex forms is the same for both regular and irregular
morphology. Such an approach assumes that all inflectional forms can potentially
serve as input to derivational and compounding rules, irrespective of whether
they are regular or irregular.
Swabian
diminutives are theoretically interesting in that their plural form, which is
produced by changing the vowel of the diminutive suffix (e. g. Kendle – Kendla Ôlittle child – little
childrenÕ), never appears in the non-head position of compounds. As this
diminutive plural rule is extremely regular, it suggests that diminutive plurals
in Swabian are derived by a productive symbolic rule that applies after
compounding has taken place, which supports a Òdual mechanismÓ approach.
Furthermore, it is suggested here that semiotic considerations such as the
uniformity and transparency of marking, alongside type frequency, play an important
role in the decision on whether a morphologically complex form is stored
in the lexicon or derived by rule.
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