Damaris NŸbling und Mirjam Schmuck
Die Entstehung des s-Plurals
bei Eigennamen als Reanalyse vom Kasus- zum Numerusmarker.
Evidenzen aus der deutschen und niederlŠndischen Dialektologie
This article
considers the origin of the ‑s plural in German, starting
out from the assumption that it cannot have been borrowed from English (or
Dutch) in personal names (die Schmidts, Laras,
Freiburgs), onomatopes (die Uhus, Achs), acronyms (die Abis, Studis), or nominalizations (die Wenns und Abers). A case is made for a
native emergence of the ‑s plural from a reanalysis of
the onomastic genitive singular inflectional affix, and it is argued that the
plural form arose directly out of the context in which the latter is most used,
namely in personal names (more precisely, surnames), thanks to their inherently
conservative nature.
In
this context, ‑s has evolved from
the genitive singular inflection of collective forms like des Meiers (Familie/Leute/Jungen) [gen.sg.] ¨ die Meiers [nom.pl.]).
The clearest evidence for this is provided by relict dialectal (productive)
constructions like alem. Õs MŸllers sin do Ô(the) MŸllers
are hereÕ, lit.: Ôthe MŸllerÕs are hereÕ, still today showing a prefixed
genitive singular article (Õs < des) in conjunction
with a plural verb. Further evidence for such a reanalysis is also drawn from
Dutch dialectology, which reveals a remarkable congruence between the dialectal
areas with ‑s vs. ‑en plurals and those with ‑s- vs. ‑en genitive singular patronymic surnames.
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